People's Democratic Republic of Algeria
Al Jumhuriyah al Jaza'iriyah ad Dimuqratiyah
ash Sha'biyah
Joined United Nations:  8 October 1962
Human Rights as assured by their constitution
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Updated 22 October 2012
37,367,226 (July 2012 est.)
Abdelaziz Bouteflika
President since 28 April 1999
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible
for a second term); election last held 9 April 2009

Next scheduled election: April 2014
Abdelmakek Sellal
Prime Minister since 3 September 2012
Prime Minister appointed by the president
Arab-Berber 99%, European less than 1% note: almost all Algerians are Berber in origin, not Arab; the minority who
identify themselves as Berber
(only about 15%) live mostly in the mountainous region of Kabylie east of Algiers; the
Berbers are also Muslim but identify with their Berber rather than Arab cultural heritage.
Sunni Muslim (state religion) 99%, Christian and Jewish 1%
Republic; 48 provinces (wilayat, singular - wilaya); Legal system is socialist, based on French and Islamic law; judicial
review of legislative acts in ad hoc Constitutional Council composed of various public officials, including several Supreme
Court justices; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits- per new constitutional amendment);
election last held 9 April 2009 (next to be held in April 2014); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of the Council of the Nation (upper house; 144 seats; one-third of the
members appointed by the president, two-thirds elected by indirect vote to serve six-year terms; the constitution requires
half the Council to be renewed every three years) and the National People's Assembly (lower house; 462 seats; members
elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: Council of the Nation - last held on 29 December 2009 (next to be held in December 2012); National People's
Assembly - last held on 10 May 2012 (next to be held in 2017)
Judicial: Supreme Court
Arabic (official), French (lingua franca), Berber dialects: Kabylie Berber (Tamazight), Chaouia Berber (Tachawit), Mzab
Berber, Tuareg Berber (Tamahaq)
The fertile coastal plain of North Africa, especially west of Tunisia, is often called the Maghreb (or Maghrib). North
Africa served as a transit region for people moving towards Europe or the Middle East. Thus, the region's inhabitants
have been influenced by populations from other areas. Modern Algeria is mainly Arabic-speaking, but a large minority still
speak the indigenous Berber language, surviving from Neolithic times. Early inhabitants of the central Maghreb left behind
significant remains including remnants of hominid occupation from ca. 200,000 B.C. found near Saïda. Neolithic
civilization (marked by animal domestication and subsistence agriculture) developed in the Saharan and Mediterranean
Maghrib between 6000 and 2000 B.C. This type of economy, so richly depicted in the Tassili-n-Ajjer cave paintings in
southeastern Algeria, predominated in the Maghrib until the classical period. The amalgam of peoples of North Africa
coalesced eventually into a distinct native population, the Berbers lacked a written language and hence tended to be
overlooked or marginalized in historical accounts. Since the 5th century BC, the indigenous peoples of northern Africa
(identified by the Romans as Berbers) were pushed back from the coast by successive waves of Phoenician, Roman,
Vandal, Byzantine, Arab, Turkish, and, finally, French invaders. Phoenician traders arrived on the North African coast
around 900 B.C. and established Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) around 800 B.C. During the classical period, Berber
civilization was already at a stage in which agriculture, manufacturing, trade, and political organization supported several
states. Trade links between Carthage and the Berbers in the interior grew, but territorial expansion also resulted in the
enslavement or military recruitment of some Berbers and in the extraction of tribute from others. The Carthaginian state
declined because of successive defeats by the Romans in the Punic Wars, and in 146 B.C. the city of Carthage was
destroyed. As Carthaginian power waned, the influence of Berber leaders in the hinterland grew. By the 2nd century BC,
several large but loosely administered Berber kingdoms had emerged. Berber territory was annexed to the Roman Empire
in A.D. 24. Increases in urbanization and in the area under cultivation during Roman rule caused wholesale dislocations of
Berber society, and Berber opposition to the Roman presence was nearly constant. The prosperity of most towns
depended on agriculture, and the region was known as the “granary of the empire.” Christianity arrived in the second
century. By the end of the fourth century, the settled areas had become Christianized, and some Berber tribes had
converted en masse. The greatest cultural impact came from the Arab invasions of the 8th and 11th centuries AD, which
brought Islam and the Arabic language. The effects of the most recent (French) occupation — French language and
European inspired socialism — are still pervasive. The introduction of Islam and Arabic had a profound impact on North
Africa (or the Maghreb) beginning in the seventh century. The new religion and language introduced changes in social and
economic relations, established links with a rich culture, and provided a powerful idiom of political discourse and
organization. From the great Berber dynasties of the Almoravids and Almohads to the militants seeking an Islamic state in
the 1990s, the call to return to true Islamic values and practices has had social resonance and political power. The first
Arab military expeditions into the Maghrib, between 642 and 669, resulted in the spread of Islam. The final triumph of the
700-year Christian reconquest of Spain was marked by the fall of Granada in 1492. Christian Spain imposed its influence
on the Maghrib coast by constructing fortified outposts and collecting tribute. But Spain never sought to extend its North
African conquests much beyond a few modest enclaves. Privateering was an age-old practice in the Mediterranean, and
North African rulers engaged in it increasingly in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries because it was so
lucrative. Algeria became the privateering city-state par excellence, and two privateer brothers were instrumental in
extending Ottoman influence in Algeria. At about the time Spain was establishing its presidios in the Maghrib, the Muslim
privateer brothers Aruj and Khair ad Din—the latter known to Europeans as Barbarossa, or Red Beard—were operating
successfully off Tunisia. For 300 years, Algeria was a province of the Ottoman Empire under a regency that had Algiers
as its capital (see Dey). Subsequently, with the institution of a regular Ottoman administration, governors with the title of
pasha ruled. Turkish was the official language, and Arabs and Berbers were excluded from government posts. In 1671 a
new leader took power, adopting the title of dey. In 1710 the dey persuaded the sultan to recognize him and his
successors as regent, replacing the pasha in that role. Although Algiers remained a part of the Ottoman Empire, the
Ottoman government ceased to have effective influence there. European maritime powers paid the tribute demanded by
the rulers of the privateering states of North Africa (Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco) to prevent attacks on their
shipping. The Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century diverted the attention of the maritime powers from
suppressing what they derogatorily called piracy. But when peace was restored to Europe in 1815, Algiers found itself at
war with Spain, the Netherlands, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, and Naples. Algeria and surrounding areas, collectively
known as the Barbary States, were responsible for piracy in the Mediterranean Sea, as well as the enslaving of Christians,
actions which brought them into the First and Second Barbary War with the United States of America. North African
boundaries have shifted during various stages of the conquests. The borders of modern Algeria were created by the
French, whose colonization began in 1830 (French invasion began on July 5). To benefit French colonists, most of whom
were farmers and businessmen, northern Algeria was eventually organized into overseas departments of France, with
representatives in the French National Assembly. France controlled the entire country, but the traditional Muslim
population in the rural areas remained separated from the modern economic infrastructure of the European community.
Algerians endured 132 years of colonial subjugation. In the earlier part of the French colonization, native Muslims and
Jews were viewed as French nationals, but not French citizens. However, in 1865, Napoleon III allowed them to apply
for full French citizenship, a measure that few took, since it involved renouncing the right to be governed by sharia law in
personal matters, and was considered a kind of apostasy; in 1870, French citizenship was made automatic for Jewish
natives, a move which largely angered the Muslims, who began to consider the Jews as the accomplices of the colonial
power. A new generation of Muslim leadership emerged in Algeria at the time of World War I and grew to maturity
during the 1920s and 1930s. Various groups were formed in opposition to French rule, most notable the National
Liberation Front (FLN) and the National Algerian Movement. In March 1943, Muslim leader Ferhat Abbas presented
the French administration with the Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by 56 Algerian nationalist and international
leaders. The manifesto demanded an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective political
participation and legal equality for Muslims.In August 1947, the French National Assembly approved the government-
proposed Organic Statute of Algeria. The Algerian War of Independence (1954–62), brutal and long, was the most
recent major turning point in the country's history. Although often fratricidal, it ultimately united Algerians and seared the
value of independence and the philosophy of anticolonialism into the national consciousness. Abusive tactics of the French
Army remains a controversial subject in France to this day. In September 2005, another referendum—this one to
consider a proposed Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation—passed by an overwhelming margin. The charter
coupled another amnesty offer to all but the most violent participants in the Islamist uprising with an implicit pardon for
security forces accused of abuses in fighting the rebels.
Sources: Wikipedia History of Algeria
Algeria's economy remains dominated by the state, a legacy of the country''s socialist post-independence development
model. In recent years the Algerian Government has halted the privatization of state-owned industries and imposed
restrictions on imports and foreign involvement in its economy. Hydrocarbons have long been the backbone of the
economy, accounting for roughly 60% of budget revenues, 30% of GDP, and over 95% of export earnings. Algeria has
the 10th-largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is the sixth-largest gas exporter. It ranks 16th in oil reserves.
Thanks to strong hydrocarbon revenues, Algeria has a cushion of $173 billion in foreign currency reserves and a large
hydrocarbon stabilization fund. In addition, Algeria''s external debt is extremely low at about 2% of GDP. Algeria has
struggled to develop industries outside of hydrocarbons in part because of high costs and an inert state bureaucracy. The
government''s efforts to diversify the economy by attracting foreign and domestic investment outside the energy sector
have done little to reduce high youth unemployment rates or to address housing shortages. A wave of economic protests
in February and March 2011 prompted the Algerian Government to offer more than $23 billion in public grants and
retroactive salary and benefit increases. Public spending has increased by 27% annually during the past five years.
Long-term economic challenges include diversification from hydrocarbons, relaxing state control of the economy, and
providing adequate jobs for younger Algerians.
Algeria has a long history of revolution and regime change, making the political climate dynamic and often in a state of
change. The country is currently a constitutional republic with a democratically elected government, though the military, in
practice, remain major powerbrokers. Since the early 1990s, a shift from socialism to a free market economy has been
ongoing with official support. In keeping with its amended Constitution, the Algerian Government espouses participatory
democracy and free-market competition. The government has stated that it will continue to open the political process and
encourage the creation of political institutions. More than 40 political parties, representing a wide segment of the
population, are currently active in Algerian national politics. The most recent legislative election was 2002. President
Bouteflika has pledged to restructure the state as part of his overall reform efforts. However, no specifics are yet available
as to how such reforms would affect political structures and the political process itself.
Following events in the Arab
Spring, Algeria faced initial large scale protests but have since dwindled. A legislative election was held in Algeria on 10
May 2012. The incumbent coalition, consisting of the FLN of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and the RND of Prime
Minister Ahmed Ouyahia, held on to power after winning a majority of seats.

Sources: Wikipedia Politics of Algeria
Algeria, and many other states, rejects Moroccan administration of Western Sahara; the Polisario Front, exiled in Algeria,
represents the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic; Algeria's border with Morocco remains an irritant to bilateral
relations, each nation accusing the other of harboring militants and arms smuggling; Algeria remains concerned about
armed bandits operating throughout the Sahel who sometimes destabilize southern Algerian towns; dormant disputes
include Libyan claims of about 32,000 sq km still reflected on its maps of southeastern Algeria and the FLN's assertions
of a claim to Chirac Pastures in southeastern Morocco
U.S. State Department
United Nations Human
Rights Council
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
Freedom House
Refugees (country of origin): 90,000 (Western Saharan Sahrawi, mostly living in Algerian-sponsored camps in the
southwestern Algerian town of Tindouf); 30,000 (Mali) (2010)
IDPs: undetermined (civil war during 1990s) (2012)
Current situation: Algeria is a transit and, to a lesser extent, a destination and source country for men, women, and
children subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking; criminal networks which sometimes extend to sub-Saharan Africa
and to Europe are involved in both smuggling and human trafficking

Tier Rating: Tier 3 - Tier 3 - the Government of Algeria does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so; the government made no discernible effort to
enforce its 2009 anti-trafficking law; it also failed to identify and protect trafficking victims and continued to lack adequate
measures to protect victims and prevent trafficking (2012)
Ligue D'Algerie Droits des
L'Homme (LA
2011 Human Rights Report: Algeria
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
11 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
25, 2012

Algeria is a multiparty republic whose head of state and government (president) is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The
president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister. A 2008 constitutional
amendment eliminated presidential term limits, and in April 2009 President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won reelection to his third term in office.
Some opposition parties boycotted the election, arguing that restrictions on freedom of association skewed the election in favor of the
incumbent. Security forces reported to civilian authorities.

Riots sparked by increases in staple food prices spread across 24 of the country’s 48 provinces in January. A fledgling political
opposition coalition failed to garner widespread public support, and the government prevented the group from staging weekly marches in
Algiers. In February the government lifted the state of emergency that had been in effect since 1992 but continued to prohibit marches in
the capital and restrict freedom of association throughout the country. Beginning in March and extending through mid-April, dozens of
groups staged protests and sit-ins in public spaces and in front of government ministries in Algiers, demanding higher wages, improved
benefits, and better working conditions. Most protests remained peaceful and ended after the government agreed to meet most demands.
In December both houses of parliament passed a series of reform laws on elections, political parties, female representation in elected
bodies, associations, and media.

The three most significant continuing human rights problems were restrictions on freedom of assembly and association; the inability of
citizens to change their government, notably in light of the 2008 constitutional revisions that allow the president to run for unlimited
terms of office; and the failure to account for disappearances, especially those cases from the 1990s. On February 9, the government
repealed the state of emergency, in force for 19 years, and subsequently adopted two ordinances that replaced provisions related to the
state of emergency that allow the army to intervene in terrorist offenses and subversive acts.

Other human rights concerns were reports of unlawful killings, overuse of pretrial detention, poor prison conditions, abuse of prisoners,
and lack of judicial independence. Additionally, widespread corruption accompanied reports of limited government transparency.
Authorities used security grounds to constrain freedom of expression and movement. Women faced violence and discrimination, and the
government maintained restrictions on workers’ rights.

Impunity remained a problem. The government did not always provide public information on actions taken against police and security
service officials.

The government continued to pursue terrorist groups that committed a significant number of attacks against government officials,
members of security forces, and, to a lesser extent, civilians. Kidnapping for ransom--by taking European hostages--has become a key
funding source for terrorist groups operating in the southern portion of the country.
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18 July 2012
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Sixtieth session
29 May – 15 June 2012
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under
article 44 of the Convention
Concluding observations: Algeria

I. Introduction
2.        The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined third and fourth periodic reports of Algeria and the written replies to
its list of issues. The Committee appreciates the frank and constructive dialogue with the delegation of the State party that included
representatives from various Ministries with expertise on the subjects covered by the Covenant. It also takes note that the combined third
and fourth periodic reports of Algeria were submitted five years late.

II. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee welcomes the adoption of the following legislative, measures:
(a) Act No. 09-01 of 25 February 2009 which criminalizes trafficking in persons;
(b) Education Act No. 08–04 of 23 January 2008; and
(c) The lifting, on 24 February 2011, of the State of emergency in force since
4. The Committee also notes with satisfaction the ratification of or accession to:
(a) Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the
involvement of children in armed conflict, in May 2009;

III. Main areas of concerns and recommendations
A. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44, para. 6, of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
7. The Committee, while welcoming the State party’s efforts to implement the concluding observations on its previous reports
(CRC/C/15/Add.269), notes with regret that some of the recommendations contained therein have not been fully addressed.
8. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations of the second periodic report under the Convention that have not been implemented or sufficiently implemented, particularly
those related to interpretative declarations, legislation, independent monitoring, cooperation with civil society, non-discrimination,
corporal punishment, parental responsibilities, violence against children, children with disabilities and refugee children. The Committee
further urges the State party to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations.
Interpretative declarations
9. The Committee notes with concern that the State party has maintained its declaration on article 14, paragraphs 1 and 2, which
amounts to a reservation to the Convention. The Committee is also concerned that the State party has still not reviewed its declarations
on articles 13, 16 and 17.
10. The Committee reiterates its recommendation of 2005 (CRC/C/15/Add.269, para. 11) that the State party should review its
interpretative declarations with a view to withdrawing them, in accordance with the 1993 Vienna Declaration and Plan of Action of the
World Conference on Human Rights.
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Huawei and ZTE face bribery verdict in Algeria, inquiry by U.S.

On June 6, an Algerian court convicted three executives from the Chinese technology giants Huawei and ZTE, which are among the top
five global providers of telecommunications equipment, on corruption charges. The executives—ZTE’s Dong Tao and Chen Zhibo and
Huawei’s Xiao Chunfa—were sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison, and an international warrant was reportedly issued for their
arrest, though China is unlikely to extradite them. They were accused of paying $10 million to a former employee of the state-owned
Algeria Telecom between 2003 and 2006, apparently to gain an unfair advantage against competitors. The firms themselves were also fined
and banned from partnering with Algeria Telecom for two years. They denied the charges, but stated that they were taking them very
seriously. The case will likely add to mistrust of the companies in other parts of the world (see CMB No. 59).

On June 12, two U.S. lawmakers from the House Intelligence Committee sent letters to top executives of Huawei and ZTE, asking for
details about their business dealings and relationships with the Chinese government. The request was part of an investigation into how the
firms’ expansion in the United States may affect national security. Among the topics raised in the letters were ZTE’s role in a bribery
investigation in the Philippines, its sale of surveillance equipment to Iran, and the responsibilities of Huawei’s internal Chinese Communist
Party committee. The companies’ representatives indicated that they would cooperate in answering the questions. Algeria was rated Not
Free and the United States Free in Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press 2012 report.
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Amnesty International
09 January 2012


2011 was a year without precedent for the peoples of the Middle East and
North Africa region. It was a year in which millions of people
of all ages
and backgrounds, especially the young and often with women to the fore, flooded on to the streets to demand change. Often,
they continued to do so inthe face of extreme violence meted out by the military and security forces of
those who claimed to govern –
and who had continued to enjoy and to squander
the fruits of power – in their very name.

Dubbed the “Arab Spring”, in fact the protests brought together in common cause people from many different communities – certainly
Arabs for the most
part but also Amazigh, Kurds and others. It was as if a tightly wound coil of frustration caused by years of
oppression, human rights violations, misrule and
corruption was suddenly unsprung, releasing an energy and power that ordinary people
until then had neither experienced nor realized that they possessed.

In Algeria, widespread rioting in January over the cost of food was followed by protests demanding reform that began on 12 February.
In the face of continuing unrest, the government repealed the 19-year state of emergency, promised further reforms and reduced food
prices. Human rights organizations, opposition political parties and trade unions began holding weekly demonstrations, and protests by
unemployed youth were held across the country. On 15 April, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced some reforms to “strengthen
democracy”, including the revision of electoral law and the appointment of a constitutional reform committee. A new law on information
was also announced, to replace the provisions in the Penal Code under which journalists and others found guilty of “defaming” the
President or other state institutions faced imprisonment for up to a year and fines. The President also announced changes to the law on
civil society organizations, but fears were raised that the legislation would prove even more restrictive of their operation and funding.

Delegations of Amnesty International researchers and other experts travelled to the Middle East and North Africa throughout the year,
sometimes at considerable risk to their lives and safety.

Amnesty International delegates also went to Algeria in February-March, to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories in May and
November, and to the UAE in June and September. These teams witnessed some of the tumultuous and historic events. They visited
hospitals and morgues, inspected prison and hospital records, and interviewed a vast number of victims of abuses and eyewitnesses,
government officials, representatives of local NGOs, health workers, lawyers, human rights and political activists, and many others.

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Algeria: Long Delays Tainting Terrorism Trials
Courts’ Refusal to Hear Key Witness Violates Due Process
June 18, 2012

(Beirut) – The Algerian authorities’ long delays in bringing key terrorism cases to trial undermines the defendants’ right to a fair trial.

Human Rights Watch examined the cases of eight suspects who were held for up to six years in secret detention outside of the judicial
system, and who now face trials of questionable fairness because the judges refuse to allow an important witness to testify. Most of the
defendants are charged with involvement in the kidnapping of a group of 32 European tourists in the Algerian desert in 2003. These cases
dramatize the continuing obstacles faced by those charged with terrorist offenses, even after authorities lifted a state of emergency in 2011,
to obtaining justice that is both prompt and fair, Human Rights Watch said.

“President Abdelaziz Bouteflika speaks often about judicial reform, but when it comes to trying suspected militants, reform does not yet
mean fairness,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director of Human Rights Watch.

After lifting the state of emergency, Algeria has finally brought to trial men whom it had placed in secret detention for months or years. But
the delays in their trials and the courts’ refusal to summon key witnesses suggest that the injustice against these men is continuing, Human
Rights Watch said.

The justice system has divided the case of the 2003 kidnapping into several trials. Some have been stalled for more than a year over the
courts’ refusal of defense motions to summon the alleged ringleader of the operation, who is in detention, to testify.

Human Rights Watch examined these cases with assistance from one of the key defense lawyers and by reviewing reports in the Algerian
media. Algerian authorities have not approved requests made since 2010 by Human Rights Watch for visas to conduct an official mission to
the country.

Responding to democracy protests in the region and in Algeria at the beginning of 2011, the government lifted the 19-year state of
emergency and in April of that year, President Bouteflika pledged to reform laws and the judicial sector. On March 19, 2012, the president
said that, “Plans for reforming the judiciary, which figured among the national priorities, have progressed in structural, juridical and human
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The President of the Republic receives the High Commissioner of the United Nations for Human Rights, Ms. Navanethem Pillay,
on a working visit to Algeria
September 19, 2012

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Algeria is aware of the role of constitutional justice in deepening democracy, building the rule of law and safeguarding the rights and
freedoms, as the foundations of democratic practice and expression of good governance .

Constitutional justice is a culture, as well as democracy and the rule of law. It must go through an experience and a practical part of the
term for itself as an integral part of our everyday culture and our political reality.

What countries of the North Shore have completed over several generations can not be shortened or made in a short period of time in our
country because we know that democracy as they practice is not a recipe Miracle ready to use, valid for all companies regardless of their
locations and times.

The countries of the south shore are not remained on the fringe of developments of constitutional justice, since most of these countries
have incorporated in their constitutions, the rhythm of each particular political history, control mechanisms and the Constitutional party, for
some of them in regional areas and / or language of cooperation and exchange of experiences in the area of constitutional justice.

The work of the Venice Commission for two decades has borne fruit in terms of its positive and mainly of its initiative to create a
permanent Global Forum of constitutional justice.

I am convinced that this new space, welcomed by the majority of constitutional courts will further deepen the dialogue between the
constitutional courts of all countries, and contribute to a better understanding and broader dissemination of the concepts which they share

It was at Algiers in 1997 has been decided to set up the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils and we have supported from the
outset, the proposed creation of a global hosting and organizing, in cooperation with the Venice Commission, one of three preparatory
meetings for the World Conference in Cape Town, like those of Vilnius, and Seoul.
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National Advisory Committee on Protection of Human Rights
Persons with disabilities: going beyond the solidarity aspect
PUBLISHED ON: 05-12-2011

After the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2009, Algeria is moving towards the adoption
of a holistic approach that goes beyond purely solidarity thereby develop a comprehensive and integrated approach that engages
citizenship the disabled person guaranteeing the exercise of his rights.
In this context, and on the occasion of the World Day for Persons with Disabilities, the National Consultative Commission for the
Promotion and Protection of Human Rights held yesterday at the Hotel El-Djazair, a study day on the theme "Setting goals for the
In the presence of the Secretary General of the Commission, Mr. Abdelouahab Merdjana, Ms. El-Atika Mamri, president of the
Algerian Federation of Persons with Disabilities Gaurier Bruno, a member of the French Council for Disability European issues,
stakeholders have emphasis on the fact that the agreement does not limit the problems of persons with disabilities in purely medical,
but adopts a "human rights."
According to them, the text notes that "disability is an evolving concept and that disability results from the interaction between
persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinders their full and effective participation in society on an
equal basis with others in the analysis of socio-economic and cultural. "
Thus, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities aims to promote and protect the human rights of all persons with
disabilities, including those who require more intensive support, allowing them to fully enjoy their rights and freedoms on an equal
basis with others and respect for their dignity.
In his speech, the Secretary General of the Committee stated that "the National Commission emphasizes the need for establishing a
national dialogue involving all actors and all stakeholders around people with disabilities."
In addition, Mr. Merdjana welcomed the launch of the national survey on disability in Algeria, saying the action comes at the right
time and should communicate results to all stakeholders. The figures expected from this investigation, he said, are likely to ensure
the quality and extent of the action at the service of people with disabilities.
In this respect, the Commission emphasized that the issue of accessibility should suffer any type of approach approximate, but
based on a broad consultation of stakeholders and skills. Accessibility should also rest, says Merdjana, based on actions planned,
budgeted and subject to appropriate monitoring before commissioning ways and means of circulation, or means of work or training
For its part, the president of the Algerian Federation of Disabled Persons, Mrs. Atika El-Mamri, highlighted the need to mobilize
expertise and experts aus alongside government and partners to strengthen the ongoing actions implementation of this international
In this vein, it has proposed the development of a national strategy with a timeline for each application program for the purpose of
being updated in the implementation of this Convention.
As a reminder, countries are required to submit their reports state parties on the implementation of this Convention three years after
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ALGERIA: Conviction of rights defender Human Yacine Zaid first instance

Algiers-Copenhagen-Paris, 10 October 2012 - The Collective of Families of the Disappeared in Algeria (CFDA), the Algerian League
for the Defence of Human Rights (LADDH), the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights ( EMHRN), the National Autonomous Union of
Public Administration Staff (SNAPAP), the Network of Lawyers for the Defence of Human Rights (RADDH) and the Association
for Democracy and Change in Algeria (ACDA) learn concerned the conviction of human rights defender Human Yacine Zaid 6
months suspended sentence and 10,000 dinars, but welcomed the mobilization of activists and trade union has led his release.

Monday, October 8, the defender of human rights Yacine Zaid, appeared before the court of first instance Ouargla (Southern
Algeria) while a hundred trade unionists and human rights from different regions demonstrating outside their solidarity, were denied
access to the courtroom by a large police presence.

Yacine Zaid is accused of contempt and aggression against the police officer, according to Articles 144 and 148 of the Penal Code.
But it was he who was assaulted by police officers during his arrest on a bus line between the 1st October Ourgla and Hassi
Messaoud. According to a witness present at the interrogation, after checking identity documents, Yacine Zaid was questioned for
about two hours and had received severe blows to the face and neck by three policemen. He was then kidnapped by two persons
dressed in civilian clothes, and held incommunicado until his appearance before the prosecutor Ouargla the next day, which was
held in custody until his trial yesterday.

A complaint was filed on October 7 by Yacine Zaid lawyers for assault, injury and assault by police officers.

At the hearing on 8 October, the judge initially banned the two witnesses to the assault to attend the hearing, and they have not been
heard by the prosecutor. After protests, the team of defense lawyers nevertheless have been called to testify as witnesses.

Our organizations complain that key evidence had not been taken into account and denounce strongly condemned Yacine Zaid,
known for his unwavering support of human rights and trade union freedoms in Algeria. His lawyers have indicated their intention
to appeal the verdict.

Our organizations call on the Algerian authorities to:

- Put an end to judicial harassment Yacine Zaid is a victim, who only wants to punish his role as defender of human rights, as well
as that of all trade unionists and human rights in Algeria.

- Guarantee freedom of expression, association and demonstration of all defenders of human rights in Algeria claiming their rights
in a peaceful manner, in accordance with the Algerian Constitution and the International Covenant on the Rights Civil and Political
ratified by Algeria.
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None reported.