Republic of Cote d'Ivoire
Republique de Cote d'Ivoire
Joined United Nations:  20 September 1960
Human Rights as assured by their constitution
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Updated 26 January 2013
note: although Yamoussoukro has been the official capital since 1983, Abidjan
remains the commercial and administrative center; the US, like other countries,
maintains its Embassy in Abidjan
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 201
2 est.)
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term
limits); election last held 31 October and 28 November 2010

Next scheduled election: 2015
Prime minister appointed by the president; election last held 31
October and 28 November 2010

Next scheduled election:  2015
Akan 42.1%, Voltaiques or Gur 17.6%, Northern Mandes 16.5%, Krous 11%, Southern Mandes 10%, other 2.8% (includes
130,000 Lebanese and 14,000 French) (1998)
Muslim 38.6%, Christian 32.8%, indigenous 11.9%, none 16.7% (2008 est.)
note: the majority of foreigners (migratory workers) are Muslim (70%) and Christian (20%)
Republic; multiparty presidential regime established in 1960 with 19 regions; Legal system is based on French civil law system and
customary law; judicial review in the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction, with
reservations; accepts ICC jurisdiction under Article 12(3)of the Rome Statute
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits); election last held 31 October and 28 November
2010 (next to be held in 2015); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (225 seats; members are elected in single- and multi-district
elections by direct popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: elections last held 11 December 2011 (next to be held in 2016)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme consists of four chambers: Judicial Chamber for criminal cases, Audit Chamber for
financial cases, Constitutional Chamber for judicial review cases, and Administrative Chamber for civil cases; there is no legal limit
to the number of members
French (official), 60 native dialects with Dioula the most widely spoken
The early history of Côte d'Ivoire is virtually unknown, although it is thought that a neolithic culture existed there. France made its
initial contact with Côte d'Ivoire in 1637, when missionaries landed at Assinie near the Gold Coast (now Ghana) border. Early
contacts were limited to a few missionaries because of the inhospitable coastline and settlers' fear of the inhabitants. In the 18th
century, the country was invaded by two related Akan groups - the Agnis, who occupied the southeast, and the Baoulés, who
settled in the central section. In 1843-1844, French Admiral Bouët-Willaumez signed treaties with the kings of the Grand Bassam
and Assinie regions, placing their territories under a French protectorate. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and
soldiers gradually extended the area under French control inland from the lagoon region. However, pacification was not
accomplished until 1915. Côte d'Ivoire officially became a French colony on March 10, 1893. Louis Gustave Binger, who had
explored the Gold Coast frontier, was named the first governor. He negotiated boundary treaties with Liberia and the United
Kingdom (for the Gold Coast) and later started the campaign against Almany Samory, a Malinké chief, who fought against the
French until 1898. From 1904 to 1958, Côte d'Ivoire was a constituent unit of the Federation of French West Africa. It was a
colony and an overseas territory under the Third Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in French
West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association",
meaning that all Africans in Côte d'Ivoire were officially French "subjects" without rights to representation in Africa or France. In
World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's provisional government
assumed control of all French West Africa. The Brazzaville conference in 1944, the first Constituent Assembly of the Fourth
Republic in 1946, and France's gratitude for African loyalty during World War II led to far-reaching governmental reforms in 1946.
French citizenship was granted to all African "subjects," the right to organize politically was recognized, and various forms of forced
labor were abolished. A turning point in relations with France was reached with the 1956 Overseas Reform Act (Loi Cadre ),
which transferred a number of powers from Paris to elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also removed
remaining voting inequalities. In December 1958, Côte d'Ivoire became an autonomous republic within the French Community as a
result of a referendum that brought community status to all members of the old Federation of French West Africa except Guinea,
which had voted against association. Côte d'Ivoire became independent on August 7, 1960, and permitted its community
membership to lapse. It established the commercial city Abidjan as its capital. Côte d'Ivoire's contemporary political history is
closely associated with the career of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, President of the republic and leader of the Parti Démocratique de la
Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI) until his death on December 7, 1993. He was one of the founders of the Rassemblement Démocratique
Africain (RDA), the leading pre-independence inter-territorial political party for all of the French West African territories except
Mauritania. Houphouët-Boigny first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the Syndicat Agricole Africain, an
organization that won improved conditions for African farmers and formed a nucleus for the PDCI. After World War II, he was
elected by a narrow margin to the first Constituent Assembly. Representing Côte d'Ivoire in the French National Assembly from
1946 to 1959, he devoted much of his effort to inter-territorial political organization and further amelioration of labor conditions.
After his thirteen-year service in the French National Assembly, including almost three years as a minister in the French
Government, he became Côte d'Ivoire's first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year was elected its first president. In
May 1959, Houphouët-Boigny reinforced his position as a dominant figure in West Africa by leading Côte d'Ivoire, Niger, Upper
Volta (Burkina), and Dahomey (Benin) into the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic development.
He maintained that the road to African solidarity was through step-by-step economic and political cooperation, recognizing the
principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other African states. Houphouët-Boigny was considerably more conservative
than most African leaders of the post-colonial period, maintaining close ties to the west and rejecting the leftist and anti-western
stance of many leaders at the time. This contributed to the country's economic and political stability. The first multiparty presidential
elections were held in October 1990 and Houphouët-Boigny won convincingly. Houphouët-Boigny died on December 7, 1993,
and was succeeded by his deputy Henri Konan Bédié who was the President of the Parliament. He was overthrown on December
24, 1999 by General Robert Guéï, a former army commander sacked by Bédié. This was the first coup d'état in the history of Côte
d'Ivoire. An economic downturn followed, and the junta promised to return the country to democratic rule in 2000. Guéï allowed
elections to be held the following year, but when these were won by Laurent Gbagbo he at first refused to accept his defeat. But
street protests forced him to step down, and Gbagbo became president on October 26, 2000. On September 19, 2002 a rebellion
in the North and the West came up and the country became divided in three parts. Mass murders occurred, notably in Abidjan from
the 25 to 27th of March, when government forces killed more than 200 protesters, and on the 20 and 21st of June in Bouaké and
Korhogo, where purges led to the execution of more than 100 people. A reconciliation process under international auspices started
in 2003. Several thousand French and West African troops remained in Côte d'Ivoire to maintain peace and help implement the
peace accords. A disarmament was supposed to take place on October 15, 2004, but was a failure. Côte d'Ivoire is now divided
between the rebel leader Guillaume Soro and president Laurent Gbagbo who has blocked the diplomatic advances made in
Marcoussis and Accra—of the laws related to political reforms promised by Gbagbo in Accra, only two out of ten have been voted
on so far. The Rebel side has not held its promises either, which results in a state of quasi–civil war. Frustration is now a dominant
sentiment in the population, especially since the overall quality of life has dropped since the Félix Houphouët-Boigny era.
Responsibility for the worsening of the situation is widely attributed to the Northern people, though the quality of life under
Houphouët-Boigny was mainly due to the sponsoring through the "Françafrique" system (designed to consolidate the influence of
France in Africa), and the economy worked mainly thanks to a low-paid Burkinabé working class and immigrants from Mali. The
debt of the country has now risen, civil unrest is occurring daily, and political life has turned into personal struggles for interests. To
answer these problems, the concept of "ivoirité" was born, a racist term which aims mainly at denying political and economic rights
to the Northern immigrants. New laws about eligibility, nationality and property are due to be adopted to address this issue, but if
they are delayed, inscription of electors will be impossible before the next elections. This might lead to a dangerous situation where
the government would stick to power, which the rebellion would likely not accept. Tensions between Côte d'Ivoire and France
increased on November 6, 2004, after Ivorian air strikes killed 9 French peacekeepers and an aid worker. In response, French
forces attacked the airport at Yamoussoukro, destroying all airplanes in the Ivorian Air Force. Violent protests erupted in both
Abidjan and Yamoussoukro, and were marked by violence between Ivorians and French peacekeepers. Thousands of foreigners,
especially French nationals, evacuated the two cities.
Most of the fighting ended by late 2004, with the country split between a rebel-
held north and a government-held south. In March 2007 the two sides signed an agreement to hold fresh elections, though they
ended up being delayed until 2010, five years after Gbagbo's term of office was supposed to have expired.

Source: Wikipedia: History of Cote d'Ivoire
Cote d'Ivoire is the world's largest producer and exporter of cocoa beans and a significant producer and exporter of coffee and
palm oil. Consequently, the economy is highly sensitive to fluctuations in international prices for these products, and, to a lesser
extent, in climatic conditions. Despite government attempts to diversify the economy, it is still heavily dependent on agriculture and
related activities, engaging roughly 68% of the population. Since 2006, oil and gas production have become more important engines
of economic activity than cocoa. According to IMF statistics, earnings from oil and refined products were $1.3 billion in 2006,
while cocoa-related revenues were $1 billion during the same period. Cote d'Ivoire's offshore oil and gas production has resulted in
substantial crude oil exports and provides sufficient natural gas to fuel electricity exports to Ghana, Togo, Benin, Mali and Burkina
Faso. Oil exploration by a number of consortiums of private companies continues offshore, and President GBAGBO has expressed
hope that crude output could reach 200,000 barrels per day by the end of the decade. Since the end of the civil war in 2003,
political turmoil has continued to damage the economy, resulting in the loss of foreign investment and slow economic growth. GDP
grew by more than 2% in 2008 and nearly 4% in 2009. Per capita income has declined by 15% since 1999.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cote d'Ivoire)
Côte d'Ivoire's 1959 constitution provides for strong presidency within the framework of a separation of powers. The executive is
personified in the president, elected for a five-year term. The president is commander in chief of the armed forces, may negotiate
and ratify certain treaties, and may submit a bill to a national referendum or to the National Assembly. According to the constitution,
the President of the National Assembly assumes the presidency in the event of a vacancy, and he completes the remainder of the
deceased president's term. The cabinet is selected by and is responsible to the president. Changes are being proposed to some of
these provisions, to extend term of office to 7 years, establish a senate, and make president of the senate interim successor to the

Laurent Gbagbo took power following a popular overthrow of the interim leader Gen. Robert Guéï who had claimed a dubious
victory in presidential elections; Gen. Guéï himself had assumed power on 25 December 1999, following a military coup against the
government of former President Henri Konan Bédié. Gbagbo was elected president in 2000 in an election boycotted by many
oppositional forces. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term; election last held 26 October 2000. The prime
minister is usually appointed by the president. The present prime minister is appointed by the international community (South African
President Thabo Mbeki, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and Niger President Mamadu Tandja.) as transitional Prime
Minister following a resolution of the UN Security Council and a resolution of the African Union.

After five years of delays, new elections were finally held in 2010. The first round of elections were held peacefully, and widely
hailed as free and fair. Runoffs are scheduled for November 28, 2010, after being delayed one week from the original date of
November 21. Laurent Gbagbo will defend his post as president against former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara.
After northern
candidate Alassane Ouattara was declared the victor of the 2010 Ivorian presidential election by the country's Independent
Electoral Commission (CEI), the President of the Constitutional Council – an ally of Gbagbo – declared the results to be invalid and
that Gbagbo was the winner. Both Gbagbo and Ouattara claimed victory and took the presidential oath of office. The international
community, including the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the
European Union, the United States, and former colonial power France affirmed their support for Ouattara and called for Gbagbo to
step down.However, negotiations to resolve the dispute failed to achieve any satisfactory outcome. Hundreds of people were killed
in escalating violence between pro-Gbagbo and pro-Ouattara partisans and at least a million people have fled, mostly from Abidjan.
International organizations reported numerous instances of human rights violations by both sides, in particular in the city of Duékoué.
The UN and French forces took military action, with the stated objective to protect their forces and civilians. Ouattara's forces
arrested Gbagbo at his residence on 11 April 2011.

Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cote d'Ivoire
Despite the presence of over 9,000 UN forces (UNOCI) in Cote d'Ivoire since 2004, ethnic conflict still leaves displaced hundreds
of thousands of Ivoirians in and out of the country as well as driven out migrants from neighboring states who worked in Ivorian
cocoa plantations; the March 2007 peace deal between Ivorian rebels and the government brought significant numbers of rebels out
of hiding in neighboring states
U.S. State Department
United Nations Human
Rights Council
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
Freedom House
Refugees (country of origin): 23,650 (Liberia) (2011)
IDPs: 40,000 - 80,000 (Post-election conflict in 2010-2011; Civil war from 2002-2004; most pronounced in western and
southwestern regions) (2011)
illicit producer of cannabis, mostly for local consumption; utility as a narcotic transshipment point to Europe reduced by ongoing
political instability; while rampant corruption and inadequate supervision leave the banking system vulnerable to money laundering,
the lack of a developed financial system limits the country's utility as a major money-laundering center (2008)
Actions pour la Protection des
Droits de l’Homme (APDH)
2011 Human Rights Report: Cote d'Ivoire
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
11 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
25, 2012

Cote d’Ivoire is a democratic republic. On May 21, Alassane Ouattara, leader and candidate of the opposition party Rally for Republicans
(RDR), was officially inaugurated president. The inauguration followed the April 11 capture of Laurent Gbagbo, the former president
who refused to accept the results of the October and November 2010 presidential election. The UN and international and domestic
observer missions declared the vote fair and democratic and recognized Ouattara as the country’s duly elected president; however,
President Ouattara and former president Gbagbo took separate oaths of office in December 2010 and remained in a standoff over the
presidency until Gbagbo’s capture. Post-electoral violence perpetrated by both sides, but attributable primarily to pro-Gbagbo forces,
resulted in approximately 3,000 deaths, significant population displacement, torture, sexual violence, and widespread property
destruction. On March 17, President Ouattara combined the former rebel Forces Nouvelles (FN) with cooperating elements of the
Defense and Security Forces (FDS), the former government’s security forces, into the Republic Forces of Cote d’Ivoire (FRCI), the
country’s new official military. Until President Ouattara’s official inauguration in May, security forces, who largely supported former
president Gbagbo, did not report to civilian authorities. Following the inauguration, violence significantly decreased, but there still were
instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control--particularly FRCI members ineligible for the
unified military, armed pro-Gbagbo groups supported under the former regime, and endemic militia groups in the West.

The postelectoral conflict involved serious human rights abuses committed by both sides. Under Gbagbo, state-sponsored death squads,
government security forces, and militia groups intimidated and silenced perceived or actual pro-Ouattara supporters. Gbagbo also
reportedly hired Liberian mercenaries that were implicated in numerous human rights abuses. Abuses were also committed by the FRCI
and other militant groups fighting against Gbagbo. There were numerous reports that the FRCI committed extrajudicial killings on the
battlefield and also failed to protect pro-Gbagbo populations from reprisal killings in the wake of the FRCI’s advance. Dozos, or
traditional hunters, and pro-Ouattara militia groups participated in reprisal killings, primarily in the western region of the country;
although there was no confirmation of allegations that the Ouattara government provided financial, material, or logistical support to militia
groups that were sympathetic to Ouattara and the FRCI, although investigations continued at year’s end.

The most important human rights problems in the country included state-sponsored killings under Gbagbo; extrajudicial killings, torture,
rape, and displacement of persons committed during the postelectoral violence; and disregard for civil liberties and political rights.

Other human rights problems under the Gbagbo government included the following: restriction of citizens’ right to change their
government; enforced disappearances; life-threatening prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; denial of fair
public trial; arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, and correspondence; police harassment and abuse of noncitizen Africans;
restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, peaceful assembly, association, and movement; official corruption; discrimination and
violence against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM); trafficking in persons; discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual
and transgender (LGBT) individuals, persons with disabilities, and persons with HIV/AIDS; child abuse and exploitation, including forced
and hazardous labor; and forced labor.

Other human rights problems under the Ouattara government included poor prison and detention center conditions; arbitrary arrests and
detention; and arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, and correspondence. The government restricted speech, press,
assembly, association, and movement. Corruption was pervasive. Discrimination and violence against women and children, including
FGM, was a problem, as was trafficking in persons. Discrimination against persons with disabilities and persons with HIV/AIDS also
was a problem. There were reports security forces targeted LGBT individuals for abuse. Forced and hazardous labor, including by
children, was common.

Impunity for abuses committed by the security forces remained a serious problem. The Ouattara government reiterated its commitment
to respect human rights and punish the perpetrators of human rights abuses, regardless of party affiliation; however, little progress was
made during the year. In May President Ouattara asked for assistance from the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate human
rights abuses committed during the postelectoral crisis. On November 29, former president Gbagbo was indicted under an ICC arrest
warrant for crimes against humanity and transferred to The Hague, where he was awaiting trial at year’s end. The Ouattara government
also created a national-level Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission (DTRC), a national Commission of Inquiry (COI), and a
Special Prosecution Cell to address human rights abuses committed during the postelectoral crisis.
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21 October 2011
Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women
Fiftieth session
Geneva, 3 – 21 October 2011
Concluding observations of the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Côte d’Ivoire

A. Introduction
2. The Committee highlights the fact that, despite the fragile situation prevailing in a crisis and post-crisis context, the State party
respected its treaty obligation to submit its
report to the Committee and to send a delegation to participate in the constructive dialogue.
3. The Committee welcomes the State party’s commitment and political will to
implement the provisions of the Convention and to
protect human rights without genderbased
discrimination in the process of restoring the Rule of Law.

B. Positive aspects
6. The Committee welcomes the establishment of the Commission on Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation and notes the State party’s
commitment to implement UNSC Resolution 1325.
7. The Committee notes with appreciation the State party’s willingness to institutionalize gender policies.
8. The Committee also welcomes the statement by the delegation that the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women has been recently ratified and the commitment of the State party to accept amendment to article
20, paragraph 1 of the Convention.

C. Principal areas of concern and recommendations
12. The Committee recalls the obligation of the State party to systematically and continuously implement all the provisions of the
Convention and views the concerns and recommendations identified in the present concluding observations as requiring the priority
attention of the State party. Consequently, the Committee urges the State party to focus on those areas in its implementation activities
and to report on actions taken and results achieved in its next periodic report. The Committee calls upon the State party to submit the
present concluding observations to all relevant ministries, the Parliament and the judiciary, so as to ensure their full implementation and
recommends that the State party disseminate the Convention, in particular among the civil society.
13. While reaffirming that the Government has the primary responsibility and is particularly accountable for the full implementation of the
obligations of the State party under the Convention, the Committee stresses that the Convention is binding on all branches of the State
apparatus, and it invites the State party to encourage the Parliament, in line with its procedures, where appropriate, to take the necessary
steps with regard to the implementation of the present concluding observations and the State party’s next reporting process under the

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U.N. Elects Human Rights' Foes to the Human Rights Council
Nov 13 2012 - 2:38pm

The reelection of the United States to the United Nations Human Rights Council was a positive development in a largely disappointing
election by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) yesterday, in which seven countries with poor human rights records—Cote d’Ivoire,
Ethiopia, Gabon, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela—were also elected.

According to a Freedom House assessment of the candidates, of the 16 new Council members elected, the above-named seven clearly
fail to meet the Council’s criteria for membership which states that members should “uphold the highest standards in the promotion and
protection of human rights.” All were elected with an overwhelming majority.  Council members are elected by the full UNGA in a secret
ballot, with the five regional groups each presenting a slate of candidates. All regional groups, with the exception of the Western Europe
and Other States Group, which includes the United States, ran “clean slates,” meaning that unqualified candidates ran unopposed and
were virtually guaranteed a seat on the Council.

“The election of human-rights abusing countries such as Ethiopia, Pakistan, and Venezuela flies in the face of the very values that the
Council was created to uphold. Their election hurts the Council’s credibility,” said Sarah Trister, author of the report and manager of
congressional affairs at Freedom House.  “If every regional group ran a competitive slate for the Council, states would have a real choice
and countries with poor human rights records would be discouraged from throwing their hat in the ring.”

In the past two years, the Council has made notable progress in addressing some of the world’s most pressing human rights concerns,
due in large part to U.S. engagement. The U.S. played an influential role in pushing the body to tackle the horrific human rights situations
in Syria, Libya, Iran and Belarus. It has also guided increased efforts to address global issues of concern including internet freedom and
freedom of association as well as helping to stymie efforts to ban blasphemy under international law.

“The United States is a positive force at the UN Human Rights Council and its leadership at the Council has made a real difference,” said
Daniel Calingaert, executive vice president at Freedom House. “Freedom House welcomes the U.S. reelection and hopes to see this
progress continue in its next term.”
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23 November 2012
Côte d’Ivoire must urgently surrender former president’s wife to the ICC

Simone Gbagbo must be transferred immediately by Côte d’Ivoire to The Hague for an investigation into her alleged role in crimes
against humanity, Amnesty International said after the International Criminal Court (ICC) revealed it had an outstanding warrant for her

On Thursday the ICC unsealed an arrest warrant it had issued for Gbagbo in February of this year, on four counts of crimes against
humanity during post-election violence in 2010 – murder, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and other inhumane acts and
persecution. Her husband, former Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, was transferred to the ICC last November after the Court issued an
arrest warrant for him on charges of crimes against humanity.

In the ICC arrest warrant, Simone Gbagbo – known to have been under official house arrest as of last month in Odienné  in northern
Côte d’Ivoire – is accused of being an indirect co-perpetrator in these crimes and is described as her husband’s "alter ego".

“When the Ivorian authorities transferred Laurent Gbagbo to face investigation at the ICC, it was a key step towards addressing impunity
for past abuses in Côte d’Ivoire,” said Tawanda Hondora, Deputy Director of Amnesty International's Law and Policy Programme.

“Now Simone Gbagbo must also be transferred to the ICC without delay to ensure full cooperation with the Prosecutor’s investigation,
and the transfer must be conducted in line with the procedures set out in the Rome Statute.”

Since October 2011, the ICC has been investigating crimes under international law committed in Côte d'Ivoire during post-election
violence between pro-Gbagbo and pro-Alassane Outtara forces a year earlier. Amnesty International has repeatedly called upon national
authorities and the ICC Prosecutor to investigate alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity by both sides which the organization
documented since 2002.

While both sides have been accused of crimes, the two ICC arrest warrants in relation to Côte d'Ivoire to date focus on alleged crimes
by the Ivorian Defence and Security Forces ("FDS") and youth militias and mercenaries who were loyal to President Gbagbo.

“Justice must be delivered to victims on all sides,” said Hondora.

“This means that both the ICC and Ivorian justice system must fully investigate possible suspects on both sides and address the full
range of crimes, including sexual violence.”

Côte d'Ivoire is not a state party to the Rome Statute which set up the ICC, but granted the Court jurisdiction over crimes under
international law that were committed in the country since 2002.

Amnesty International continues to urge Côte d’Ivoire to ratify the Rome Statute, implement it fully in national law and conduct full
investigations into alleged crimes on all sides from 2002-2010.
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Statement at the Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in Côte d'Ivoire
Oral statement during the Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Côte d'Ivoire
March 21, 2012

Human Rights Watch welcomes the Independent Expert’s engagement on Côte d’Ivoire after more than a decade of grave human rights
abuses committed largely during episodes of political violence and armed conflict. In his first report, the Independent Expert highlights
important ongoing problems related to criminality, the continued usurping of state functions by the Republican Forces in certain regions,
and the need to end impunity in order to restore the rule of law.

We note with concern, however, what we believe to be an inadequate discussion of the ongoing one-sided justice in Côte d’Ivoire. While
the Independent Expert takes note of local and international opinion against victor’s justice, a deeper discussion of the problem and its
impact within Côte d’Ivoire is needed. The 2011 international Commission of Inquiry, mandated by the Human Rights Council, made its
top recommendation “exhaustive, impartial, and transparent” investigations and prosecutions for crimes committed by both sides.

The Independent Expert’s report quotes the national prosecutor as saying he will re-send teams to investigate the grave crimes
committed in western Côte d’Ivoire, “if [he] ha[s] the means.” Given President Ouattara’s repeated promises of impartial justice, the
expert should answer why the prosecutor has not received sufficient material support for these investigations. The report also discusses
how the military prosecutor has initiated prosecutions for crimes committed by Gbagbo’s former military and militia leaders, but fails to
detail what is widely seen as a dearth of credible investigations into crimes committed by pro-Ouattara forces.

More than 120 individuals have been charged with post-election crimes by the military or civilian prosecutor. None comes from the pro-
Ouattara forces. This one-sided justice exists despite the documentation of war crimes and likely crimes against humanity by both sides’
armed forces, including in reports from Human Rights Watch, the international Commission of Inquiry, Amnesty International, the
International Federation of Human Rights, and the UN Operations in Côte d’Ivoire.

One year on, as military trials begin against individuals from the Gbagbo camp, victims of serious post-election abuses by the Republican
Forces remain effectively without recourse to justice. Prominent members of Ivorian civil society have stated frequently in meetings
with us that they do not see the justice process as credible or independent. The transfer of only Laurent Gbagbo to the International
Criminal Court at present, while a welcome step for justice, reinforces this perception of accountability for one side.
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Message to the Nation by HE Mr. Alassane Ouattara
01-01-2013 Source: Press Service

Dear Friends of Côte d'Ivoire,

he fight against poverty is a challenge. Serious inequalities practically deconstructed whole swathes of our society over the past decade.
The potential of our country, we will reduce poverty by half by 2015. This ambition is at the heart of our development policy.

We follow with attention the issue of employment. The survey has just been completed on the employment situation in our country
shows a significant reduction in the rate of unemployment in both rural than in urban areas. This reflects the dynamism found in all
sectors of economic activity, which will continue in the coming months, thanks to an improved business climate more favorable to

In such an environment, I can only condemn the few attempts at destabilization perpetrated in recent months. In reality, these attacks
aim is to disturb the peace of our citizens can not succeed.

That is why we continue to fight these subversive acts, unfortunately for sabotage the reconciliation process.

We guarantee the safety of all the citizens, and all people living in Côte d'Ivoire. To do this, we have committed significant financial and
logistical resources through the ministries in charge of security.

The implementation of the National Security Council, which I chair every week, already allows proper coordination of actions in this
regard. The goal is a sharp decline in crime, whatever the form, with a better control of the security situation.

I would like at the end of the year you reaffirm our commitment to strengthen national cohesion. It is our responsibility to collect all
Ivorians, without discrimination on the basis of justice and equity.

I know that our compatriots yearn for peace and reconciliation. As president of all Ivorians, I will continue to increase efforts to collect
all the son and all the girls of our country and to promote all actions for national harmony.

This research cohesion can not be achieved at the expense of justice and the fight against impunity. The modernization of our judicial
system, although important, is proceeding at a pace that is not yet fully satisfactory, because of the crisis that has prevailed in recent
years. I would rejoice in this respect the recently granted bail to people close to the former regime. This act of justice should help revive
the dialogue which our countrymen are so attached.

I can tell you that we are on the right track. We bet a fair justice system, serving the citizens who will contribute to strengthening the
rule of law. This is a strong commitment that we stated last October, in Yamoussoukro, at the 52nd session of the Conference of
African Human Rights and Peoples, our country has had the honor to host.

The recent ratification of the Treaty of Rome also reflects our willingness to fight against impunity.

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Côte d'Ivoire: LIDHO condemns attacks Bonoua and Azito
The 19/10/2012 - 08:21

On the night of Sunday 14 to Monday, October 15, 2012, groups of unidentified gunmen, simultaneously attacked the military camp, the
police and the gendarmerie City Bonoua.
The checkpoint locality Samo, located on the axis Bonoua Aboisso Azito thermal power plant in the municipality of Yopougon were also
attacked that night.
The official report on this latest attack reported casualties among the attackers, wounded and material damage to the thermal power plant
LIDHO leans on the memory of the victims and wishes speedy recovery to the injured.
LIDHO condemns these attacks incessant constantly disturb the tranquility of the people, certainly reveal serious dysfunction in
protection devices, security of persons and property in our country and indicate the precarious socio-political situation in Côte ivory.
LIDHO, convinced that there are other alternatives to war national reconciliation, calls for reason, the perpetrators and their sponsors to
cease all action destabilizing populations and mourned invites them to permanently renounce violence as a means of managing our
internal contradictions.

LIDHO recommends:
- Fully implement to stop these repeated attacks to reassure Ivorians.
- Create the conditions for cohesion and efficiency in our defense and security;
- Reactivate the permanent framework for consultation between the Government and all political actors to frank and sincere;
- Work towards the recovery and the rapid conclusion of the process of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants;
- Act in the direction of right conduct and fair and rapid resolution of all proceedings subsequent to the post-election crisis.

Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire
- Conduct search operations, following the attacks, with delicacy and discretion to avoid abuse or burrs likely to add to psychosis among
the people;

Political Parties
- Stand out subversive actions committed against the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire, in condemning unequivocally the attacks and
their perpetrators;
- To have to pick up the thread of dialogue with the government and to compel a citizen and Republican opposition in the interest of the
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Weekend studies at APDH!
Suy Kahofi
Published: November 4, 2012

The headquarters of the APDH (Action for the Protection of Human Rights) located Adjamé 220 units has served as a framework for a
training seminar for members of the NGO. This Saturday, November 3 from 8 am to 17 pm, twenty people were educated on important
concepts relating to human rights. At the time of Côte d'Ivoire seems to live to the rhythm of reports national and international NGOs,
APDH believes it is important to train its members so that they can be useful to the cause of Ivorians victims of violations of their rights.
This motivation, KOFFI Phinehas the General Secretariat of the APDH supports "there is nothing more dangerous than a defender of
human rights who knows nothing of human rights!"'s Seminar training has primary mission is to take stock of the achievements of
members and update. The training began with an introductory module for Human Rights. This module facilitated by Fallet Tcheya
Chairman of the Board of Directors of the APDH seminarians allowed to revisit the fundamental human rights and to have a real tracking
sheet for the other modules of the day. There is a total of 7 modules that address the issue of human rights under the angles national,
continental and universal. We cite some of the topics at the center of the trade "Brief considerations on SALW and DDR", "Introduction
to Transitional Justice", "systems of protection of Human Rights (the African system, UN System, European)" ... At the end of the
training and exchanges that lasted all day, seminarians left the seat of their organization needs. In fact, the quality of teaching and the
interest of members of the APDH to emphasize the themes addressed a real desire to learn to be useful to people.

During the training seminar APDH, we reported on the draft NGO entitled "Legal and Judicial Support victims of the Ivorian crisis". This
project was launched this July 6, 2012 will be a period of 12 months (1 year) and will revolve mainly around awareness and education
for victims, field surveys and referral procedure of the national and international justice. The APDH has in its mission of supporting
OSIWA and Development Support Fund of the Embassy of France in Côte d'Ivoire. "We started the project with a phase of awareness
where populations of 10 localities in Côte d'Ivoire. The topics we discussed during this first phase of the project are social cohesion,
democratic culture, human rights and community development, "said Eric-Aimé SEMIEN President APDH before adding that"
sensitization step was necessary before starting to work properly spoken with the victims. " In different localities furrowed, APDH could
finger the realities that people live. At some stops, it was given to NGOs to identify a strong distorted between populations: the tensions
and ethnic community is still very strong! In this context APDH should use tact to move the discourse on reconciliation which was very
poorly received by location. At each step, to say the least 150 people came to listen to the members of the NGOs that have benefited
from the awareness tour to train community volunteers. They will be responsible for popularizing the concepts of human rights and to
live together with people. The first stage of the project being completed, Hien Sansan Claude argues that "APDH going to tackle work
documenting violations of human rights. It is not to revisit the cases brought to the attention of the ICC but work on those who have not
been taken up sufficiently, cases, victims who did not have interlocutors! ". These violations of human rights mentioned APDH are
currently estimated at $ 200! After this documentation work will be followed by a mapping of violations of human rights, the
organization will take priority in the national courts and international courts only after.

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Alassane Dramane Ouattara
President since  December 2010
None reported.
Daniel Kablan Duncan
Prime Minister since 21 November 2012